Bulibasa Ioan Tiriac, miliardar facut pe genunchii tatucului Ion Iliescu cu oportunitati grase oferite de Petre Roman, cat s-a vorbit public de colaborarea sportivilor cu Securitatea a uitat ca si-a inceput cariera dand Note Informative ca un amarat de turnator cu nume de cod “Titi Ionescu”. Desigur, ce nu are CNSAS si, deci, nu se poate pronunta, este Dosarul sau de la SIE, de roman multi-prosper al regimului Ceausescu. Sa amintim cam ce gandea agentul miliardar al regimului Iliescu despre romanii care se impotriveau profitorilor loviturii de stat din decembrie 1989: “Bine ca minerii au curatat Piata Universitatii!”. Aici gasiti Decizia CNSAS.
People Magazine, 1991: Tennis’s Count Dracula Returns to Transylvania, with a Lot at Stake
“There is an opposition press now and some freedom to I ravel; still,after the first wave of excitement, many Romanians again fear thattheir phones are tapped or that they are being shadowed by secretpolice. So far the U.S. is wary too; it has not offered Romania thesame trade status it has to Czechoslovakia and Poland.
This whole subject irritates Tiriac no end. “This is a50-year-old paranoia,” he insists. He calls the new government “veryprogressive” and the new Prime Minister, Petre Roman, “a very dynamicguy.”
Tiriac doesn’t think much of Romanians who oppose the newgovernment, which becomes clear as he pilots his car through UniversitySquare. Last summer protesters were set upon here by a horde ofRomanian miners armed with clubs and sledgehammers. Internationally itwas the new government’s worst black eye; President Ion Iliescu waswidely believed to have ordered the miners in.
“It was a good thing the demonstrators were finally cleanedout of there,” says Tiriac. “People are confusing democracy withanarchy. If I were President, I’d create the biggest police force inEurope. But people see police as power to oppress. So I’d changeuniform. Make them red or pink. Say, ‘These pink people are to defendmy son crossing the street.’ “
It is unclear how much Tiriac’s countrymen might be dismayedby his muscular view of democracy. Some Romanians, it appears, havenever trusted him anyway. “Among ordinary guys, he has always been verypopular,” says Michael Radelescu, a native Romanian who writes computersoftware and now lives in New York State. “But not so much amongintellectuals. Back during the Ceausescu period, anyone like Tiriac whotraveled outside the country a lot was assumed to be collaborating withthe regime. Whether it was true or not, I have no idea, but it was avery common opinion.” Now some Romanians object to Tiriac’sfriendliness with the Iliescu government. The leading opposition paper,Romania Libera, complained recently that the Prime Minister hadoverridden a government vote and privately doled out 14 of Bucharest’smost gracious old homes to “chosen ones”—including his friend Tiriac,who got long-term leases to two.
Tiriac is prowling the property of one of these now, alakefront house across from a compound of villas that Ceausescu onceinhabited. The place is handsome—five bedrooms, 7,000 square feet—buthe can’t move in until renovations are completed.”
Integral in Revista People August 05, 1991 Vol. 36 No. 4