Biserica Ortodoxă Tusă ii alege astazi pe candidaţii din randul cărora il va desemna incepand de marţi pe patriarhul Moscovei şi al intregii Rusii care ii va succeda lui Aleksei al II-lea, decedat la inceputul lunii decembrie, relatează AFP, citata de NewsIn.
Un consiliu episcopal care ii reuneşte pe inalţii demnitari ai ortodoxiei provenind din toate ţările fostei URSS, dar şi din alte state unde exista această credinţă, se reuneşte pentru a desemna pană luni trei candidaţi la demnitatea de patriarh.
Această adunare este urmată, incepand de marţi, de un sinod al Bisericii Ortodoxe Ruse care ii cuprinde pe aceiaşi demnitari, precum şi pe reprezentanţi de rang inferior ai clerului şi simpli credincioşi reprezentand parohiile, in total 711 persoane.
Aceste persoane trebuie să-l aleagă pe patriarh, in principiu, marţi, chiar dacă dezbaterile pot continua pană joi. Procedurile se derulează cu uşile inchise in catedrala Hristos Mantuitorul din Moscova. După cum se obişnuieşte, nu s-a anunţat niciun candidat, dar potrivit observatorilor şi presei ruse, doi favoriţi se detaşează din randul celor 145 de ierarhi ortodocşi eligibili.
Mitropolitul de Smolensk şi Kaliningrad Kirill, numit in decembrie patriarh interimar, este de şase săptămani omniprezent in mass-media. Considerat “mai deschis asupra lumii” decat concurentul său, clericul, in varstă de 62 de ani, a condus in timpul lui Aleksei al II-lea diplomaţia Bisericii ortodoxe ruse şi este singurul ierarh demnitar cunoscut marelui public.
In comparaţie cu el, relevă presa, mitropolitul de Kaluga şi Borovsk, Kliment, in varstă de 59 de ani, este un conservator care conduce administraţia Bisericii ortodoxe şi dispune de susţinere puternică in randul clerului.
Susţinătorii celor doi şi-au adresat reciproc acuzaţii in ultimele zile, fie că a fost vorba despre bănuieli de corupţie, de presupuse simpatii ale lui Kirill faţă de catolici sau de tentativele lui Kliment de a impune sinodului susţinerea sa.
Insă, “dacă războiul informaţiilor compromiţătoare dintre Kliment şi Kirill degenerează in confruntare gravă, atunci se va găsi o persoană de compromis. Mai mult decat orice, Biserica se teme de sciziune”, explică Boris Falikov, de la centrul de studiere a religiilor din cadrul Universităţii ştiinţelor umaniste din Moscova. Ar putea fi aleasă o personalitate de tranziţie, un mitropolit in varstă, cum este Filaret, in varstă de 73 de ani, care conduce mitropolia Minsk şi Sluţk.
In ciuda numeroaselor interviuri pe care diverşi inalţi prelaţi le-au acordat presei, niciunul nu a riscat un pronostic asupra identităţii viitorului patriarh. “Dumnezeu cunoaşte acest nume. Noi nu. De aceea ne vom ruga pentru ca Domnul să ne dea cel mai bun patriarh”, declara vineri in cotidianul Gazeta arhimandritul Vsevolod Şaplin, purtător de cuvant al Bisericii ortodoxe ruse.
Invingătorul va prelua conducerea unei Biserici care s-a intărit considerabil in timpul lui Aleksei al II-lea, patriarhul ales in 1990 şi care era bănuit de legături cu KGB-ul in timpul perioadei sovietice.
De la sfarşitul URSS, numărul mănăstirilor a crescut de aproape 40 de ori, ajungand de la 19 in 1990 la 716 in 2008 şi aproape trei ruşi din patru se declară in prezent ortodocşi, faţă de unul din patru in 1990, arată un recent sondaj al Institutului Vţiom. (ZIUA Online)
Posts Tagged ‘Moscova’
Dupa Aleksei, Kirill? Biserica Ortodoxa Rusa isi alege Patriarhul
Bulgaria si Ungaria, cai troieni ai KGB/GRU in NATO iar Ucraina viitor magar troian
Ceea ce scrie ZIUA si subsemnatul 🙂 de cativa ani buni, inclusiv in ce priveste scurgerile de info de la NATO la Moscova, adevereste azi presa occidentala de varf, respectiv IHT. Dar ceea ce nu au luat in calcul inca este ca Ucraina urmeaza sa fie viitorul magar troian al KGB/GRU in NATO.
Chiar astazi, cand se semneaza la Viena un nou contract pentru Nabucco, iata cu Ungaria a anuntat ca este interesata (normal) in South Stream – “conducta aurie” a lui Putin.
Mai jos, nota ZIUA si articolul original din IHT.
Credibilitatea Bulgariei si Ungariei in NATO a inceput sa fie pusa la indoiala, informeaza presa occidentala.
Dupa semnarea unui tratat cu Rusia care saboteaza proiectul UE al gazoductului Nabucco, Bulgaria a fost acuzata ca transmite rusilor secrete NATO. “Pot pune pariu ca orice am impartasit cu bulgarii in cadrul NATO s-a dus direct la Moscova”, a declarat pentru New York Times un oficial NATO care a preferat sa-si pastreze anonimatul. Pe de alta parte, noul sef al serviciilor secrete ungare, care a fost instruit timp de sase ani la Academia KGB din Moscova, a devenit director al Comisiei de Informatii a NATO, initiativa perceputa de diplomati ca o posibila compromitere a securitatii aliantei, scrie International Herald Tribune, preluat de Mediafax.
New NATO intelligence chief was trained by KGB
By Judy Dempsey – International Herald Tribune
Published: February 3, 2008
BERLIN: The new chief of the Hungarian secret services, who spent six years at the KGB’s academy in Moscow during the 1980s, has become chairman of NATO’s intelligence committee, a development that diplomats said could compromise the security of the alliance.
Sandor Laborc, 49, was personally chosen by Prime Minister Ferenc Gyurcsany of Hungary as director of the country’s counterintelligence National Security Office in December, after a bitter dispute between the governing coalition led by the Socialists – the former Communists – and the main opposition party, Fidesz.
Laborc, a former Communist who was trained at the KGB’s Dzerzhinsky Academy from 1983 to 1989, according to members of the national security committee in the Hungarian Parliament, had failed to win support from that committee, which oversees such appointments.
Despite that, Gyurcsany and Gyorgy Szilvasy, the minister responsible for the intelligence services, pushed through the appointment.
“A decision by the National Security Committee has no binding effect,” Gyurcsany’s office said in a statement issued in response to several written questions about Laborc from the International Herald Tribune. “Gyorgy Szilvasy had the right to make a decision in his own capacity and advise the prime minister. He justified the recommendation by introducing General Laborc as someone with unquestioned professional credentials.”
Soon after his appointment, Laborc took over the chairmanship of NATO’s special committee dealing with a wide range of intelligence issues, a rotating post that is held for a year and which fell to Hungary last month, alliance officials confirmed Friday.
The committee, whose main task is to analyze and share intelligence, includes all of the secret service chiefs of NATO countries, who meet several times a year.
Several NATO delegations, including the United States, whose ambassador was asked several times to comment on Laborc’s appointment, declined to do so.
James Appathurai, a NATO spokesman, said, “We do not comment on personnel appointments or intelligence issues.”
Some delegations said they had not been aware of Laborc’s biography. His short curriculum vitae posted on the Hungarian security service’s official Web site makes no mention of his time spent in Moscow. His past came to light when Szilvasy proposed him for the top intelligence job last autumn.
NATO diplomats who did agree to discuss the appointment insisted on anonymity because of the sensitivity of the matter. They said that even if they had reservations about Laborc, they were in no position to block his appointment.
“NATO makes decisions on the basis of consensus,” said a senior diplomat from an East European country. “If we had questioned this appointment then we would have to go further up to the top, in this case the Hungarian prime minister, to ask him about Laborc’s past.”
Another diplomat, from a Western country, said, “It would have taken one phone call by the U.S. ambassador to NATO to stop this appointment. It would have been a signal to other countries which might think they can still get away with this.”
In its statement, Gyurcsany’s office said: “Not a single ambassador protested. Through diplomatic channels we received information that our partners are satisfied with the development of interagency cooperation.”
In practice, Laborc’s appointment means that some NATO countries will be much more wary about sharing sensitive intelligence.
“Here we have a person who was trained by the KGB. I cannot assume that he has changed that much in his attitudes,” said another NATO diplomat, predicting that several important NATO countries would hold back on sharing intelligence. “NATO, it must be said, is a very leaky organization,” the diplomat added.
Indeed, NATO has been plagued with leaks. Hungary, Poland and the Czech Republic joined the alliance in 1999, and the rest of the former Warsaw Pact countries in 2004. After that expansion, military attachés from the Bulgarian delegation did not receive clearance to have access to a certain level of intelligence material.
“You could bet that anything we shared with Bulgaria inside NATO went straight to Moscow ,” said another senior Western European diplomat. “The old Communist nomenklatura and secret services is still around in Romania and Bulgaria. But I must say the case of Hungary is very, very disappointing.”
Earlier, in the spring of 1999 when NATO was selecting bombing targets in its war to stop Serbian repression of ethnic Albanians in Kosovo, Greece, a member of NATO and the European Union but an ally of Serbia during the Balkan wars of the 1990s, repeatedly leaked alliance plans to Belgrade, NATO diplomats said Friday.
In Hungary itself , Laborc’s appointment has deepened the mistrust and polarization between the governing Socialists and the Fidesz opposition because of the way the prime minister by-passed the Parliament’s national security committee.
Although the committee’s decision is not constitutionally binding, such committees have served as important instruments of democratic accountability since 1990, when the Communists were removed from power in Hungary.
Moreover, until 2002 when the Socialists won the parliamentary elections, any Hungarian official who had served for more than a year in Moscow could not, for security reasons, be appointed to positions higher than a department head.
“At stake is the fundamental regard for the rule of law,” said Janos Martonyi, a former Hungarian foreign minister and Fidesz supporter. After a five-hour debate by the national security committee in late November, Laborc failed to win a majority of the 11 votes. No other candidate was offered by the government. The opposition declined to put forward a candidate.
Fidesz claims that Gyurcsany, a former Communist youth leader turned millionaire who has close ties to President Vladimir Putin of Russia, has been politicizing the secret services for domestic reasons in order to keep track of the opposition, the media and trade unions.
The opposition also has criticzed Gyurcsany for trying to push through austerity measures without public consultation or democratic accountability.
It has challenged the security services’ use of live ammunition against mostly peaceful demonstrators during protests in September 2006.
The protests had been set off by a leak of Gyurcsany’s speech to party supporters, soon after the spring 2006 elections, in which he said the party had lied “day and night” about the miserable state of the economy in order to win.
Zsolt Nemeth, chairman of the Parliament’s foreign affairs committee and a leading member of Fidesz, said it was “a great shame what is happening to the idea of democratic accountability.”
He said the two biggest concerns over the Laborc appointment were that he would replace the young professionals who entered the services during the 1990s and bring back people loyal to Gyurcsany.
“Above all, our concern is that the security services will be become politicized and be used for domestic politics,” he added.
Peter Balazs, an economics professor at Central European University in Budapest and a supporter of the government, dismissed Fidesz’s criticisms.
“Much has changed in Hungary since Laborc’s time spent in Moscow over 20 years ago,” he said. “This is all about internal politics. Just because someone was in Moscow during the 1980s, I don’t think that we should sack anybody after 20 years.”
Besides the opposition, the United States and Britain are concerned about Gyurcsany’s relations with Putin, according to British diplomats in London.
Last year, Gyurcsany publicly supported Russia’s plans to build the South Stream pipeline that will compete with the EU project known as Nabucco, which is intended to weaken Europe’s dependence on Russian gas imports.
British diplomats, speaking on the condition of anonymity, said that Gyurcsany had changed tack under American and British pressure. Then last December, during a meeting of the Hungarian and Russian cabinets in Budapest, Gyurcsany came out again in support of the South Stream project.
E anul Unirii!
Prioritatile de politica externa ale Romaniei – 23.01.2008
Intelectualii rosii, Eminescu si Unirea
Actualitatea poetului, jurnalistului, ganditorului national si militantului pentru Romania Mare Mihai Eminescu, este cu atat mai stringenta cu cat dezideratele romanesti, la ceas de aniversare a 90 de ani de la Marea Unire, sunt, in parte, aceleasi, ca si pe vremea cand gazetarul conservator actiona in cadrul “Societatii Carpatii”. Infiintata, simbolic, la 24 ianuarie 1882, “Societatea Carpatii”, prin activitatea secreta dusa alaturi de membrii ei, avea sa-i grabeasca moartea civila venita la 28 iunie 1883, dupa ce P.P. Carp ii ceruse lui Titu Maiorescu, de la Viena, sa-l “mai potoleasca” pe Eminescu. Cei care incearca azi sa-l ucida – pentru a cata oara? – pe Eminescu, sunt, pe fata, atat dusmanii Romaniei de la Chisinau cat si cei infiltrati in sanul puterii de la Bucuresti: profitorii tuturor regimurilor. Chiar inainte de a se infiinta gruparea tinerilor intelectuali patrioti – care aveau un tel mai mare decat umflarea buzunarelor si promovarea propriei imposturi, ca cei de azi -, Eminescu agita cancelariile imperiilor Rus si Austro-Ungar, care nu ezitasera sa-l puna sub urmarire informativa. Eminescu deranja pentru ca cerea o unitate a destinelor tuturor romanilor. Inca din 1870, de exemplu, un comitet care il avea secretar pe Eminescu facea un Apel de serbare la Putna, la Stefan, de ziua Sfintei Maria, pentru edificarea unui proiect national, al Unirii in cuget, simtiri si fiinta.
“In ziua de 15 august a.c. romanii in genere serbeaza ziua Santei Marie, vergina casta si totusi mama care din sanul ei a nascut pe reprezintantele libertatii, pe martirul omenimei lantuite: pe Crist”, scria Eminescu in Apelul din care mai redam in continuare: “Fratilor, am proiectat a serba cu totii ziua acelei sante care-a conceput in sanul ei vergin tot ce lumea a visat mai mare, tot ce abnegatiunea a legiut mai nobil, tot ce pune pe om alaturi cu omul: Libertatea!”. “De sine insusi aceasta serbare religioasa e si nationala, caci locasul dumnezeiesc monestirea Putnei e fondata de erou si acolo zac oasele sale sante, apoi pentru ca o serbare a crestinului e prin escelinta o serbare romaneasca, caci trecutul nostru nu e decat infricosatul coif de arama al crestinatatii, al civilizatiunii. Hristos a invins cu litera de aur a adevarului si a iubirei, Stefan cu spada cea de flacari a dreptului. Unul a fost libertatea, cellalt aparatorul evangelului ei. Vom depune deci o urna de argint pe mormantul lui Stefan, pe mormantul crestinului pios, al romanului mare. Dar asta nu e tot. Serbarea trebuie sa devina si purtatoarea unei idei. Idea unitatii morale a natiunei noastre (…) astfel incat pe viitor lucrarile noastre toate sa aiba una si aceeasi tinta, astfel ca unificarea directiunei noastre spirituale sa urzeasca de pe-acuma unitatea destinelor noastre”.
“In trecut ni s-a impus o soarta, in viitor sa ne-o facem noi”.
Vladimir Putin a venit, a vazut si a invins, scurt, Bulgaria, actuala provincie a CSI din NATO si UE. Gazoductul spre fosta partasa a Pactului Hitler-Stalin, Italia, va trece pe unde vrea Rusia, indiferent de cat sluj sau ambat ar mai manifesta Romania, de la Cotroceni in jos. Lipsita de o politica nationala spre Est, ca si spre Vest, Romania – sau ce a mai ramas din ea -, chiar in anul 90 al Marii Uniri, pare mai singura si confuza ca niciodata, dupa 1989.
Amenintarile lui Putin cel Brun sunt pe masura. Exprimate, in rafale, la summitul UE-Rusia de la Lisabona: Romanie, daca vrem, va facem bucati: Transilvania “independenta”, pentru unguri, Dobrogea la bulgari. Pe deasupra, o punem si de o “Moldova Mare”. Situatia, pe teren, la frontierele Rasaritului Romanesc, sta la fel de rau: Ungaria si-a mutat interesele strategice pana in Transnistria. Ucraina, alt magar troian al Rusiei intr-un posibil NATO degenerat, ne sfideaza fara drept la replica provocand Romania la Marea Neagra prin pretentiile asupra Insulei Serpilor, reluarea lucrarilor la canalul Bastroe si protejarea mafiotilor transnistreni pe drumul de seara spre a Treia Roma. Chisinaul, cu aportul specialistilor Moscovei, ne tine sub tir continuu, cocosand serviciile de informatii romanesti si diplomatia de la Bucuresti. Adevarata elita a tarii, comunitatea de intelligence, pare si ea derutata, din moment ce, nici pana acum, Cotroceniul si MAE nu au reusit sa elaboreze o strategie de politica externa viabila. In acord cu Washington si Bruxelles. O viziune romaneasca care sa ajute atat SUA, cat si UE si care sa aplice tactici care nu neaparat sa apropie Moscova, dar sa nu indeparteze Chisinaul.
Un cuvant, venit din trecut, este la fel de actual si azi. Dr. Corneliu Dida despre perspectiva Unirii: “Intre timp, criza interna se adanceste. Iar fortele politice romanesti, ca si presa, au vreme pentru tot soiul de vizite, simpozioane, conferinte de presa, receptii, baluri sau scandaluri. Nu si pentru o serioasa dezbatere asupra reintregirii noastre la Prut. Intre formulele unui “nationalism” gaunos, vetust si de parada, exhibate inconstient la ocazii aniversare si insolenta intrebarii: “Ce va trebuie, ba, voua, unire?”, lansata de un ratat lider democrat, se casca adevarata dimensiune a problemei Unirii, aici in Romania, reintregirea la Prut trece prin adevarata renastere national – spirituala in Tara inca mutilata…”.
Anul Unirii
Dupa alte cateva zile, la 24 ianuarie, Sfatul Tarii anunta independenta Basarabiei, care, la 27 martie, va face practic primul pas spre constituirea Romaniei Mari. In ciuda piedicilor ucrainene si austro-ungare, Bucovina merge pe urmele surorii ei, in noiembrie acelasi an. La 1 decembrie 1918 romanii se regasesc cu totii, impreuna, acasa, in Dacia Moderna.
Profitand de intuneric si vremea rea, ca si de lipsa de profesionalism a presei romane, care batea zapada in piua si-i canta pe Ionii din politica si afaceri, avioanele Hercules au lasat pe teritoriul romanesc un numar necunoscut de militari americani. Dupa ultimele informatii obtinute din surse americane de la centrul SECI verificate de reporterii ZIUA ON LINE la cartierul general SHAPE, comandourile SEAL au ocupat in cursul noptii Insula Serpilor plasand mine pe Canalul Bastroe si de-a lungul coastei, pana la Odesa. Aliatii turci patrulau deja de cu seara in zona stramtorii Kerci, gata de interventie in cazul in care navele Ucrainei vor sustine flota Rusiei. La cererea Georgiei, trupele speciale de interventie rapida ale NATO au ocupat pozitii in Osetia de Sud si Abhazia in timp ce Armata Romana a avansat pana la Nistru garantand Transnistriei independenta, cu conditia ca paramilitarii kazaci sa nu intervina in conflictul armat de la Marea Neagra.